Indian jewelry, as it is known today, had origins that probably predate the advent of the persons we describe as American Indians or Native Americans. However, for the purpose of this paper we will consider prehistoric man as prehistoric Indian. Archeological evidence shows us that stones (including turquoise), shells and fetishes predate the Christian (epoch). Turquoise was found in Hohokam excavations in southern Arizona that date 200 B.C., in central Mexico approximately 600-700 B.C. and in South America ca. 900 B.C. Other beads are even earlier. As Indian jewelry and turquoise are so closely associated this paper will discuss both.  
Turquoise as a mineral deposit is isolated to a rather limited geographical area in the southwestern United States. Some is found in Mexico but very little and there are some deposits in western South America. We will concentrate on that found in the United States.
Prehistoric Indians mined turquoise and turned this product into jewelry, primarily drilled beads and other hanging ornaments. However, archeological findings do include applique on shell and other rock which means that it was probably used with wood for ear decoration as well (the wood would have deteriorated.) Extensive evidence of prehistoric mining operations have been found in several areas to include: The Cerillos and Burro Mountain regions of New Mexico, the Kingman and Morenci regions of Arizona and the Conejos area of Colorado. Turquoise jewelry found in southern Mexico and in excavated mounds east of the Mississippi have been analyzed and proclaimed to be from New Mexico's Cerillos mining area. As this article deals with our Southwest other mining localities are not discussed.
Turquoise, although dominant in the jewelry finds (for example several thousand pieces of turquoise were found in Chaco Canyon), it is not the only important jewelry find. The spiny oyster shell (Spondylus Princeps) is found in only one area in the Western Hemisphere- off the coast of Baja California. This shell has been found in abundance in archeological excavations of the Anasazi, Mogollon and Hohokam of the desert southwest. It has also been found in the same eastern mound excavations in which turquoise was also found. These finds not only prove early man and prehistoric man's interest and use of jewelry but it reveals important economic information. It shows the existence of trading in his lifestyle. It also provides a glimpse into probable status levels of the people.
One might argue that the above has little to do with the development of Indian jewelry as we know it. However, as some (the Hopi and Pueblo cultures of the Rio Grande) are indeed descended from the Anasazi and many believe from the Mogollon and Mimbres as well, it seems to be a valid beginning of a historic tracing. The Navajo, on the other hand, entered the area fairly recently. Some say as early as the 14th century, others, as late as the early 16th. The Navajo, whenever they arrived, had to be influenced by the existing Pueblo cultures and later were profoundly influenced by the early Spanish. It is the hypothesis of this writer that a study of the Navajo will give one the best historical trial for the development of Indian jewelry in the Southwest. The Navajo, as we will see, were instrumental in the spread of this craft to other southwestern tribes.
The Navajo must be considered nomadic within their "Dinetah" or homeland. They were farmers only to the extent that they would plant a crop, leave it to the vagaries of the weather and eventually return to reap the harvest, if any. They and their Apache cousins could be likened to the early Mongols of the 12th and 13th centuries. They not only raided but also took, kept and developed that of the conquered that suited them. Beaded necklaces as a symbol of prestige, decorated "ketoh" or bow guards and concha (concho) likely originated with their most frequent contacts, the Spanish and their Pueblo neighbors.
The Navajo were in constant contact, some hostile, some friendly, with the Spanish as they continued to populate the Southwest from the late 16th century on. From these people the Indians developed a great appreciation for personal adornment. Some of the early Spanish designs such as the Moorish inspired crescent and the pomegranate blossom became key to Navajo jewelry design (More on this later in the discussion of the origin of the Squash Blossom Necklace.)
In time the Spanish became dominant in the area. Although raids continued into the 19th century, the period was better described as one of "suspicious-cautious co- existence." It was a 200 plus year period of close association and the sharing of the best of the several cultures. The Navajo wore the ornaments of those they conquered or from trade with those they could not beat. These were made from German silver (a copper-nickel-zinc substance) that was bright and wore well, to copper, brass and to a much lesser extent, silver. They learned to appreciate and hold dear the symbols of their prowess or their wealth. (No doubt early Navajo wearing of a cross or the crescent shaped naja on a rawhide necklace did not reflect their appreciation for Christianity or for the Moorish influence on the Spanish.) Rather it was simply an ornament of beauty and pride. And, if one person had one, others wanted one also and if possible, something even better. Thus the pendent cross evolved as did the naja into a multitude of variations and blendings. The simple thong on which they were displayed gave way to stone, shell, silver or other metal beads.
The studies regarding the actual date that the Navajo began making silver jewelry vary. The two best works are by John Adair and subsequent research and writings by Carl Rosnek and Joseph Stacy (see suggested reading list.) All seem to agree that Atsidi Sani (Old Smith) was the accepted first Navajo silversmith. He learned the blacksmith trade in the early 1850's and possibly even dabbled in silver in the early 1860's.
After much warfare, the warlike Navajo were captured by the United States Cavalry and marched into captivity in 1864. Approximately 8000, to include Atsidi Sani, were sent to Ft. Sumner in eastern New Mexico where they were to be weaned from a nomadic and warlike lifestyle and taught to be farmers. The experiment failed and in 1868 they were returned to the four corners area, the "Dinetah." Although this date 1868 is accepted by many, to include the great Navajo leader of the time, Chee Dodge, as the year Atsidi Sani learned the silver making skills, there is evidence that this is not wholly correct. There is a tantalizing comment by a Major Henry Wallen, the Commandant of Ft. Sumner in 1864. "Some of them are quite clever as silversmiths." Of course he may have mistaken German silver for "real silver." In any event Atsidi Sani wears the mantle as the first Navajo silversmith.
The early Navajo silver work concentrated on concha (concho) belts, bracelets, bow guards, tobacco flasks and necklaces. Rings, earrings, pins, hair ornaments, buckles and bolos evolved from these. A full line of silver jewelry existed throughout the reservation by the 1880's.
The earliest Navajo work consisted of hammered work with file decoration. Turquoise, a very popular and much respected stone by the Navajo, made its appearance in silver jewelry ca. 1880. It is important to note that turquoise, as a jewelry item, had existed for centuries. It had been used in combination with other stones, shells and metals long before 1880. However, the early Indian glued or otherwise attached the turquoise to the stone, shell or metal. It is known that Mexican silversmiths (plateros) toured the Indian pueblos and Navajo enclaves in the early-mid 1800's selling and trading silver jewelry for Indian products. This is the likely origin of silver ornamentation in the Indian possession prior to ca. 1860. It is fairly certain that there was no indigenous Navajo or pueblo silver industry.
Early Navajo smiths used Mexican and US coins for their silver. Often if they were given a special order from a trader or local rancher or businessman they would receive silver in the form of candlesticks, tea pots, etc. to melt for their work. The Navajo preferred to use melted Mexican silver coins as they were the easiest to work (.90275 fine.) Next preferred was what ever sterling silver was available (.9025 fine.) Least desirable but the most durable was silver from melted US coins (.900 fine.) The latter was the most readily available source. In 1890 the United States made it unlawful to melt of deface (such as soldering on hooks, eyes, jump rings or "doming" coins for beads.) As this was difficult to enforce, United States coinage continued to be used in the developing Navajo silver industry. Now that there was a demand for materials and tools the reservation traders began to stock many of the needed items. Although the Navajo were able to make a flux out of native materials, the commercial flux was superior. Cutting, grinding and fine polishing materials were commercially more desirable than home made ones. This was the beginning of a new economy involving the Indians, traders and eastern suppliers.
Very shortly, following Atsidi Sani's beginning Navajo silver smithing, the craft spread across the area. He taught his sons and they taught others. The craft made its appearance in Zuni ca. 1872. Atsidi Chon (Ugly Smith) taught his close Zuni friend, Lanyade, the skills. The Zuni were already skilled in metal working making items in copper, brass and iron. Research shows that a forge existed in Zuni in 1852. It is reported (see Rosneck and Stacy) that Lanyade paid Atsidi Chon "one good horse" for his instruction.
Lanyade learned the trade well. He began touring the various pueblos selling his jewelry. While on Hopi First Mesa at Sichomovi, he taught the first Hopi silversmith, Sikyatala, the skills. As Lanyade was taught by a Navajo and the Hopi taught by Lanyade all the jewelry of the period was Navajo in style. As a side note this is why provenance (history of origin-ownership) is so important for 19th century jewelry in properly identifying its origin. It's too easy to say that because it looks like Navajo work it is therefore of Navajo origin.
During these early years the use of solder was learned and developed. Accompanying this was the skills of making silver dies. The former permitted the artistic and permanent joining of two or more metal pieces resulting in a multitude of design possibilities and the setting of stones. Die making was probably adopted from the many leather tooling dies that existed and were used by Spanish, Mexican and later Indians in both leather work as well as tin smithing.
As the years progressed the styles that were basically of Navajo origin were gradually modified by their pueblo students. For example: the Zuni, since prehistoric times, were excellent lapidaries. These skills slowly changed their work to the fine inlay and channel inlay we have come to associate with them. However, the Hopi change occurred a bit more abruptly. In 1938 the Museum of Northern Arizona in Flagstaff, Arizona, working with Hopi silversmiths, Paul Saufkie and Fred Kabote, began a program of developing a style that was exclusively Hopi. The work was interrupted by World War II. Following the war a government grant helped a silversmith training program with the Hopi Guild. The "overlay" technique they created involved the cutting of designs in a heavy gauge silver sheet and then soldering this to a solid silver sheet. The designs were usually adapted from the pottery shards found in the Sikyatki Pueblo ruins of the 15th and 16th centuries. These pre-Hopi designs were mostly bird motifs. The Hopi Guild also used kachina symbols, animal and clan motifs.
Today's Indian silversmiths are in many cases also goldsmiths and lapidaries as well. They cross tribal design boundaries with a will and with abandon. No longer can one look at a piece and say "It's Zuni style so it must be Zuni made." The artist of today may incorporate in a single piece all the styles available as well as his or her own innovation. Indian jewelry today transcends tribal styles.  

When Indian jewelry is mention the symbol that pops to mind is the squash blossom necklace. It is the cornerstone of most Indian jewelry collections. However, most people owning one or more pieces have no idea of its origin or meaning. The following may help one to appreciate more fully this striking piece of jewelry.
This particular art object is truly an Indian creation. However, it developed slowly and has roots deep in non Indian culture and history. The principle part of the necklace is the crescent shaped pendent. This was first seen by the Southwestern Indian as iron ornaments on the horse bridles of the Spanish Conquistadors in the late 1500's and early 1600's. Captured or traded for, these ornaments soon graced the necks of the local Indian populace. Their acquisition was a matter of pride and the ornament was reproduced in the various metals and was proudly displayed during ceremonials. These crescent shaped pendants, originally brought from Spain, reflected the influence of earlier Moorish conquests and the occupation of Spain. As generations came and went, the pendent, referred to as a najahe or naja, became symbolic with the various ceremonials. As most ceremonials were related to the agricultural cycle the naja was associated with crop fertility.
Once silver beads came into fashion around 1880 what more logical place was there to display the naja than on this string of beads? The earlier acquired najas were undoubtedly hung around the owners neck by a simple thong.
The first beads were large, unornamental and round. From these, more complicated ones developed, such as fluted beads and oval beads. Often dimes and quarters were fastened to a silver shank and strung between the beads. Occasionally these coins were domed, filled and made into beads.
The necklace referred to today as the Squash Blossom necklace probably didn't originate much before 1880. This is taken from the fact that Washington Mathews did not mention this type of jewelry in his "Navajo Silversmiths" Second Annual Report, 1880-81. Arthur Woodard, in 1938, pointed out that the Navajo and Zuni beads were originally Spanish-Mexican trouser and jacket ornaments which were fashioned to resemble the pomegranate. The pomegranate was a common Spanish decorator motif, often seen carved or painted on missions in Mexico and often a clothing decoration. If one examined an early Navajo "squash blossom" bead, a striking similarity would be seen to exist between the Mexican ornament and the pomegranate Still, in spite of the similarities, there is quite a bit of doubt that the Navajo attempted to depict this blossom in his bead. The Navajo word for the "squash blossom" bead is "yo ne maze disya gi" which means simply "bead that spreads out." Nothing in the word denoted squash or pomegranate blossom. Perhaps the word was coined by a white man who, asking a Navajo what the bead represented, (the white man is obsessed with what something means, he is rarely satisfied that something is simply attractive) was told that it looked like a squash blossom (the Navajo understands the white man's obsession and often attempts to satisfy it as painlessly as possible.) It is doubtful that the Navajo intended that the bead represent the squash blossom.
Because the Indian ceremonials largely dealt with the agricultural cycle, and the first jewelry was worn during these occasions, coupled with the fact that the beads along with the chain looked like pomegranates or squash blossoms, all have tended to portray the necklace in a crop-fertility ceremonial light.
The squash blossom necklace serves as a reminder of the close interaction between the Pueblo and Navajo Indians since the mid-1800's. The necklace itself is Navajo, adopted by the Zuni. Yet the incorporation of turquoise on each of the blossoms is an advent of the Zuni later adopted by the Navajo.
This brief summary is the author's considered judgment on a subject that has little historical documentation. Undoubtedly there are some solid truths, particularly from the crop fertility standpoint, but equally true is the existence of merely extrapolated conclusions.  

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